|
|
|
LETI (Leti Island; Austronesian, Southwest Maluku) |
For more information about metathesis in this language, click on the following links: |
| Summary: a. Phrase-medial metathesis: Preceding a morpheme-initial consonant cluster or /CVV/ sequence, the ordering of morpheme-final segments is consonant + vowel as the result of metathesis. b. Phrase-final metathesis: In cases of consonant-final forms in phrase-final position, the final vowel and consonant of a morpheme change positions. |
Conditions Motivation Additional info Comments References |
cf. Before a morpheme-initial CV sequence, no metathesis applies
and instead the surface form corresponds to the underlying consonant-final
form.
b. Phrase-final metathesis. Phrase finally, all morphemes are
vowel final. This triggers metathesis of C-final morphemes.
cf. If the morpheme is vowel-final, no metathesis applies and the
phrase-final surface form is identical to the underlying form. Other phonological
processes affect the final vowel in phrase-medial position, e.g. low vowel
deletion, glide formation.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Syllable Well-formedness Condition (Hume, 1998)
: With respect to metathesis before an initial consonant cluster,
b. Phrase-final metathesis Phrasal Requirement (Hume, 1998): In phrase-final
position, all morphemes end in a vowel, and this triggers a |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
i. Secondary articulation formation: As a means of resolving vowel hiatus, an unstressed high vowel may be realized as a secondary articulation on an adjacent prevocalic consonant both within and across morpheme boundaries.
ii. Glide formation: To avoid onsetless syllables, an unstressed
intervocalic high vowel is realized as a glide.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
B = voiced bilabial fricative O = mid back rounded vowel (open 'o') Y = palatalization marker of a preceding consonant W = labialization marker of a preceding consonant Note: The view of metathesis presented above is based on Hume 1997, 1998. This approach differs from that of van Engelenhoven's in that it is assumed that there are both C-final and V-final morphemes underlyingly. In van Engelenhoven, all morphemes are V-final. Discussion of this latter approach, and evidence in favour of the former appear in Hume 1998, in particular. The analysis of van der Hulst & van Engelenhoven is also discussed in that paper. Last updated: 10/24/2001 |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|