Brian D Joseph, Publications
ON SOME CONTROL STRUCTURES IN HELLENISTIC
GREEK
A Comparison with Classical and Modern Greek*
NOTE: accents, diacritics, and special symbols have been
eliminated or modified in the interest of making the text readable in the
absence of the appropriate encoding system and font. Thus, long marks and
the like are not indicated, and so cited forms should be used with caution.
1. Control Structures
The proper analysis of control
structures is a much debated aspect of linguistic theory, whether "control"
is taken in a narrow sense to refer to a nonfreely arrived at, i.e.
controlled, interpretation of an empty category, and in particular a
missing subject, or in broader terms to take in the interpretation of
missing objects as well or even of any nonfreely selected anaphor.1
At the risk of oversimplification of the issues, the different positions
on control can be roughly characterized as viewing control on the one
hand as a syntactic phenomenon, involving the interpretation of the
[+anaphoric, +pronominal] syntactic element designated as PRO (e.g.
by Chomsky 1981 and others generally working in a Government and
Binding approach to syntax), and on the other hand as a property
that derives from the lexical semantics of the particular verb or
predicate involved (e.g. Comrie 1985, Farkas 1988, Ladusaw & Dowty 1988).
For the most part, the justification
for one or the other position has come from synchronic data and analyses,
generally drawing on facts from modern languages, yet some insights
into the nature of control can be gleaned as well from historical
syntax, both from the examination of control in early stages of Greek,
especially Greek of the Hellenistic period, covering some 700 years
from the 3rd century BC to roughly the 4th century AD, and from the
examination of changes in Greek control structures that first emerged
within the span of Hellenistic Greek and are now evident from a comparison
of Greek of this era with Greek of other periods, especially Classical
Greek of the 5th century BC and Modern Greek. Thus in this paper,
the nature of control in Hellenistic Greek and Greek in general
is studied with an eye to developing arguments from historical
syntax concerning the analysis of these important structures.
2. Control Structures in Hellenistic Greek
At first glance, control
structures in Hellenistic Greek seem rather unexceptional, especially
when viewed from the perspective of a theory of control, such as
Government and Binding theory, that has been developed mostly on
the basis, at the outset at least, of languages like English and
French. That is, the relevant control structures, in which an argument of
a main-clause predicate governs the interpretation of an unexpressed
argument of a subordinate-clause verb, look very much in Hellenistic Greek
like the parallel cases in English, in particular in having an infinitive
as the complement verb, as a comparison of the Greek versions in (1) and
(2) and their corresponding English translations shows:2
(1)
ernesato |
legesthai |
huios |
thugatros |
Pharao |
(Heb. 11:24) |
refused/3SG |
call/PASS.INF |
son/NOM |
daughter/GEN |
Pharaoh/GEN |
'He refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter'
|
(2)
ouk |
eimi |
aksios |
to hupodema |
ton podon |
lusai |
(Acts 13.25) |
not |
am/1SG |
worthy/NOM |
the-sandal/ACC |
the-feet/GEN |
loosen/INF |
|
'I am not worthy to loosen the sandal of (his) feet'. |
Similar parallels with comparable English constructions are found with
verbs such as arkhomai 'begin', epithumo 'desire', tolmo
'dare', and, in "like-subject" cases where the main-clause subject and
the complement subject are identical, thelo 'want', as well as
in purpose constructions with verbs of motion, as shown by the Greek
and the corresponding English translation in (3):
(3)
elthomen |
proskunesai |
autoi |
(Matt. 2.2) |
came/1PL |
pay-homage/INF |
him/DAT |
'We have come to pay homage to him'. |
These constructions all seem quite parallel in form to their English
counterparts and thus would presumably be represented syntactically as
having PRO as subject of the infinitive, just as is the usual
representation in GB theory for the parallel English sentences. Thus (1)
through (3) could be represented as in (4):
(4) a. [ ernesato [PRO legesthai huios ...] ]
b. [ ouk eimi aksios
[PRO to hupodema ton podon lusai ] ]
c. [ elthomen
[PRO proskunesai autoi ] ]
However, while verbs such as
arkhomai, epithumo, tolmo, like-subject
thelo, and others (see below) occur exclusively with infinitival
complementation in Hellenistic Greek of the New Testament, some verbs and
some constructions show a variant in complement-type that might point to a
different syntactic representation; in particular, as part of an on-going
development within Hellenistic Greek that continued on into and through
Medieval Greek, reaching full generalization to all complement structures
by early Modern Greek, finite complement clauses introduced by the
conjunction hina (in its later form, na) could substitute for the
infinitive.3 Some examples are given in (5), contrasting with infinitival
constructions in (2) and (3) above:
(5) a.
ouk |
eimi |
ego |
aksios |
hina |
luso |
autou |
ton himanta |
tou hupodematos |
(Jn. 1:27) |
not |
am/1SG |
I/NOM |
worthy/NOM |
CONJN |
loosen/1SG |
his |
the-strap/ACC |
the-sandal/GEN |
'I am not worthy to loosen his sandal-strap'
(literally: "I am not worthy that I loosen his sandal-strap") |
b.
hupagei |
eis |
to mnemeion |
hina |
klausei |
ekei |
(Jn. 11:31) |
goes/3SG |
to |
the-tomb/ACC |
CONJN |
cry/3SG |
there |
'She is going to the tomb to cry there'
(literally: "She is going to the tomb (in order) that she cry
there"). |
Moreover, in later Hellenistic Greek, other verbs that had been
exclusively infinitival in New Testament Greek, especially thelo 'want',
in its like-subject uses, as in (6a), came to occur with finite
complements, as in (6b):4
(6) a.
me |
kai |
humeis |
thelete |
autou |
mathetai |
genesthai |
(Jn. 9:27) |
QN |
even |
you/NOM.PL |
want/2PL |
his |
disciples/NOM |
become/INF |
'Do you (perhaps) want to become his disciples?' |
b.
thelousin |
hoi Ioudaioi |
hina |
phoneuousin |
auton |
(Act. Pill. II.2.5) |
want/3PL |
the-Jews/NOM |
CONJN |
murder/3PL |
him/ACC |
'The Jews want to murder him'.
(literally: 'The Jews want that (they) murder him'). |
One important observation at this
point is that Hellenistic Greek, as indeed all known stages of Greek have
been, was a pro-Drop language, and thus allowed finite clauses
without an overtly expressed subject; several of the main-clause verbs
in the examples above show this aspect of Greek syntax clearly, for
no overt subject, whether a noun or a pronoun, appears with the main
verbs in (1), (2), (3), or (5b), for instance, and yet these sentences
are well-formed. Thus Hellenistic Greek, in addition to the empty
category PRO as the subject of infinitivals, would also, within a GB
approach to syntax, have had a pro subject as well, representing the
(potentially) empty subject of finite verbs. This observation raises the
question of what the empty category is in the complement clause of the
innovative infinitive-less sentences of the type found in (6b); in
particular, is the subject of the finite complement verb a controlled
empty category, that is, PRO occurring with a finite verb, or is it simply
pro, the result of Subject pro-Drop in the complement clause?
If the former, then some adjustment in the assumptions about PRO must be made,
and if the latter, then some mechanism may be needed to assure
like-subject interpretations.
3. PRO or pro in Greek Control Structures?
Relevant to the question of whether
finite complement structures in control contexts, such as (6b) with
thelo 'want', have a controlled PRO or instead a pro
as the lower clause subject is the fact that the complement of thelo
need not have a subject that is identical with the main clause subject.
This observation holds both for infinitival complements, in which case
Greek shows the "accusative with infinitive" complementation, and for
the innovative finite complements; both types could even occur conjoined,
as indicated in (7), where the first conjunct has accusative case-marking
on the subject of the infinitive while the second conjunct has the
innovative finite complementation with no accusative subject:5
(7)
thelo |
de |
pantas |
humas |
lalein |
glossais |
mallon |
de |
hina |
propheteuete |
(1Cor. 14:5) |
want/1SG |
but |
all/ACC |
you/ACC |
speak/INF |
tongues/DAT |
more |
but |
CONJN |
prophesy/2PL SUBJNC |
'I want you all to speak in tongues or rather to prophesy'
(literally: "I want you all to speak in tongues but even more that you
prophesy") |
In the first conjunct, there is an overt subject (humas) with the
complement verb whereas in the second conjunct, there is a finite second
person plural subjunctive verb but no overt subject. Since that subject
would not be in a position to be controlled by a higher-clause nominal,
but also because there is no particular emphasis on the complement clause
subject, the most reasonable assumption concerning the missing subject
with propheteuete is that pro-Drop is responsible. This
analysis in turn suggests that a controlled (i.e. like-subject) finite
complement subject, as in (6b), is also missing due to pro-Drop.
That is, assuming that
pro-Drop is at work in the complement clause of (6b) means
that one can generalize over (7) and (6b) and posit pro-Drop as
the cause of the absence of the subject of finite complement clauses in
general. The fact that thelo can have either a complement with a
like-subject, as in (6), or one with an unlike subject, as in (7), is
consistent with this approach, for one need not say anything syntactic
about the control properties of main verb thelo . The meaning of
thelo as a main verb is such that it allows complements with
subjects that are identical to the main clause subject as well as those
with subjects that are not identical. Then one need only posit that
thelo innovatively simply takes as its complement a full finite
clause, with any sort of subject, and pro-Drop does the rest;
the like-subject interpretation is a function of the complement clause
having a like-subject in underlying structure, a like-subject that
(generally) does not surface due to pro-Drop, and the
unlike-subject interpretation similarly is a function of the complement
clause having an unlike-subject in underlying structure, a subject
which, when pronominal, also does not (generally) surface, again
due to the requirements of pro-Drop.
There may be additional
evidence that pro-Drop is at work from a
consideration of the differences between (6b), which shows that the
subordinate clause subject in the innovative finite complementation can be
empty, and seemingly parallel sentences in which a complement subject
appears overtly. Caution is necessary here, for the best available
apparent example of that sort6 , from the Epistles of Ignatius from the
early 2nd century AD, as given in (8), may be subject to an alternative
interpretation; thus the Greek and a word-by-word gloss is given first,
and a translation and ultimate interpretation vis-ˆ-vis control follow
after some discussion:
(8)
thelesate |
hina |
kai |
humeis |
thelethete |
(Ignat. Rom. 8.1) |
want/2PL.IMPV |
CONJN |
and |
you/NOM.PL |
be-acceptable/2PL |
|
The relevant issue in the interpretation of (8) is whether the
hina-clause is really an object complement to thelesate
(and thus substituting innovatively for what earlier would have been
an accusative plus infinitive structure) or is instead an adjunct
final purpose or result clause that is essentially independent of
thelesate. In the latter case, the use of the hina
-clause need not be innovative but could simply be a continuation
of the Classical (and Hellenistic) Greek use of finite purpose or
result clauses. Sophocles (1914: s.v.) seems to take this sentence
in the former interpretation, since he cites it without any punctuation
separating thelesate and hina; for him, the translation would
be7 'You might want yourselves also to be acceptable'
(literally: 'You might want that and you be acceptable'). For
Lake (1970: 237), however, the sentence is cited with a comma
(presumably an editorial addition) separating thelesate and
hina; and the translation is 'Desire it [i.e. to live after
the manner of men], in order that you also may be desired'. Deciding
between these two interpretations is difficult, and it may well
be that both are possible. Other parallel sentences are equally open to
both types of interpretation; for instance, (9), also from Ignatius's
Epistle to the Romans (3.1), shows how hard it can be to decide for
certain:
(9)
monon |
moi |
dunamin |
aiteisthe |
esothen |
te |
kai |
exothen, |
hina |
me |
only |
me/DAT |
strength/ACC |
pray/2PL.IMPV |
inside |
and |
and |
outside |
CONJN |
not |
monon |
lego |
alla |
kai |
thelo, |
hina |
me |
monon |
legomai |
Khristianos |
only |
say/1SG |
but |
and |
want/1SG |
CONJN |
not |
only |
be-called/1SG |
Christian/NOM |
Lake (op. cit., 229) translates this passage as 'Only pray for
me for strength, both inward and outward, that I may not merely speak,
but also have the will, that I may not only be called a Christian
(but may also be found found to be one)', apparently taking thelo,
hina me monon legomai as having an adjunct result hina
-clause, and thelo in an absolute sense of 'have the will
(to do something)'. However, Foy (1886: 159) cites (9) as the earliest
case where there is nonidentity between a main clause subject and the
subject of a finite complement clause, so that an interpretation of the
hina-clause as the complement of thelo meaning simply 'want,
be willing' seems quite possible also.8
To a certain extent, with
regard to developing an argument that pro-Drop
is involved in the absence of subjects of finite clauses, the exact
interpretation of (8) and (9) may not matter. In either case, one could
argue that such subordinate clauses without an overt subject cannot have a
PRO subject.
Assuming for the moment that
Sophocles' interpretation of the hina-clause in (8) is correct
and that it is a complement rather than a purpose or result clause adjunct,
then the argument for the operation of pro-Drop in the complement
of finite control structures is that the conditions under which the
controlled complement subject appears overtly in (8) are exactly those
that are predicted in an account that invokes pro-Drop in the
subordinate clause. In particular, the subordinate clause subject in (8)
is supported by the emphasizing element kai, here meaning 'also';
thus its appearance in (8) is exactly parallel to the appearance of the
main clause subject in (6a), kai humeis thelete ..., which
similarly was emphasized with kai. Such is to be expected if
pro-Drop is responsible for absence of the lower clause subject,
for emphatic subjects would not be suppressed by pro-Drop.
The appearance of a subject in the finite complement when it is emphatic,
as in (8), but not otherwise, as in (6b), therefore confirms the
operation of pro-Drop in sentences with a finite complement verb.
Even if, on the other hand, the
hina-clause in (8) is not a complement in the usual sense but
rather a purpose or result adjunct clause, the argument about pro
-Drop can still go through, under the assumption that a missing subject
in a purpose clause was at some stage of Greek to be represented by PRO.
Although finite purpose clauses were possible in Classical Greek and
in Hellenistic Greek, so too were infinitives of purpose; it is not
clear if hina (hopos)-clauses after thelo can be
construed as replacements for infinitives of purpose, but if they can, and
if the missing subject with infinitival purpose clauses is a PRO (as
assumed above for (3)), then the same question about a missing subject
in (9) can be asked, namely whether it is PRO or pro. The
evidence of (8), with its emphatic subordinate subject in just the
place where a pro-Drop account would predict, thus is consistent
with the assumption of pro as the missing subject, regardless
of whether the clause is a purpose clause (that is, an adjunct) or a
real complement clause
In this account, therefore, not
only is the need eliminated for positing PRO in the innovative structures
with finite complements, but also crucial reference is made to the
meaning of the complement to thelo as like-subject or unlike-subject,
and thus to the meaning of the overall combination of thelo with
its complement. These developments suggest, therefore, that the approach
in which control is viewed as being tied to lexical semantics
may well have some validity.
The relevance of lexical semantics
to an understanding of control emerges also when one looks at the classes
of predicates that in Hellenistic Greek were most resistant to encroachment
of the infinitive by a hina clause. These include verbs and
adjectives whose basic semantics would seem to require like-subject
control,9 in that an unlike-subject complement with them is
difficult to even conceive of, such as arkhomai 'begin',
dunamai 'can, be able, have the power to' (and its later synonym,
euporo 'be able', via a semantic shift from the Hellenistic
meaning of 'have plenty, be well off, have (financial) ability'),
dunatos '(be) capable; (be) in a position to', and opheilo
'be obligated; ought'. The relative lateness of their giving way to
finite complementation is shown by the fact that is essentially just
these verbs that still allow an infinitive optionally in Medieval Greek,
as argued in Joseph (1978/1990: 31). Thus the collection of those
predicates which hold out the longest in the face of the onslaught,
as it were, of finite complementation is not a random assortment of
verbs and adjectives, sprinkled through the lexicon willy-nilly, but
rather gives evidence of some semantic coherence in that they obligatorily
impose a like-subject condition on their complement clauses.
Further evidence of the importance
of lexical semantics to control comes from the situation with the verb
'try' in Hellenistic Greek and later. In the Greek New Testament,
the verbs for 'try', mostly peirazo10 but also
peiraomai, are well-behaved with respect to control, in that all
examples of a complement clause involve an infinitive, and with no overt
subject, the empty complement subject is always interpreted as
like-subject, under control from the main-clause subject, as in
(10):11
(10)
epeirazon |
eis |
ten |
Bithunian |
poreuthenai |
(Acts 16:7) |
tried/3PL |
into |
the |
Bithynia |
go/INF |
'They tried to go into Bithynia'. |
Under the assumptions made above about the representation of control
structures within GB theory, (10) would have PRO as the subject of the
infinitive:
(11) [epeirazon
[ PRO eis ten Bithunian poreuthenai].
There is one example of
peirazo, as pointed out in footnote 11, in which
an overt subject, marked with the accusative case, occurs with the
infinitive and is not interpreted under control from the main clause
subject, as given in (12):
(12)
mede |
peirasete |
eulogon |
ti |
fainesthai |
idiai |
humin |
(Ign. Mag. 7.1) |
not |
try/2PL.IMPV |
right |
something |
appear/INF |
self/DAT |
you/DAT. |
This sentence is translated by Lake (1975: 203) as 'Do not attempt to
make anything appear right for you by yourselves'. The significance of
this example is discussed further below.
The verb in Modern Greek that
corresponds in meaning to peirazo is prospatho, which
does not continue earlier peirazo, but instead derives from
earlier prospatheo 'feel passionate love for'; there has thus
been a shift in the meaning of prospatheo to assume the
complement-taking sense of 'try', as well as the encroachment on and
eventual replacement of earlier peirazo in this meaning.12
Still, examining Modern Greek prospatho alongside peirazo
proves interesting for their properties support the view that control
is a matter of lexical semantics, and prospatho provides
further evidence against positing a PRO missing subject.
In particular, as illustrated in
(13), prospatho at first appears to exhibit syntactic control
properties somewhat like those seen in Hellenistic sentences such as
(6b) or (9), with a missing overt subject in the complement clause
that is interpreted as identical with the main clause subject:
(13)
tha |
prospatho |
na |
ertho |
FUT |
try/1SG |
SUBJNC |
come/1SG |
'I will try to come'. |
However, as (8) indicated for finite complements in Hellenistic Greek, a
subject can be present in the complement clause imparting particular
emphasis on the subject, as in (14), suggesting that the absence of the
subject in (13) is a matter of pro-Drop and not a special type of control
phenomenon from the syntactic standpoint:
(14)
tha |
prospatho |
na |
ertho |
eyo |
FUT |
try/1SG |
SUBJNC |
come/1SG |
I/NOM |
'I will try to come'. |
Moreover, and this is where Modern Greek 'try' deviates from Hellenistic
Greek 'try', prospatho can have finite complement with a subject that is
different from that of the main verb:
(15) a.
eyo |
prospathisa |
m' |
oli |
mu |
ti dinami |
na |
erqis |
I/NOM |
tried/1SG |
with |
all |
my |
the-strength |
SUBJNC |
come/2SG |
'I tried with all my might for you to come' |
b.
prospatho |
na |
erqi |
o janis |
try/1SG |
SUBJNC |
come/3SG |
the-John/NOM |
'I try for John to come'. |
Thus, prospatho in Modern Greek is more like Hellenistic Greek
thelo 'want' than like Hellenistic peirazo 'try' in that
it can take finite complements, whether like-subject or unlike-subject.
In terms of the meaning of the complements, as opposed to their form,
the unlike-subject example with peirazo, (12) above, shows that
both Hellenistic peirazo and Modern prospatho do not
impose obligatory control over the subject of their complements, apparently
like thelo. There is a difference, however, between peirazo
/prospatho and thelo. The verb thelo has essentially
the same meaning with both like- and unlike-subject complement types,
but such is not the case with peirazo/prospatho. In its
unlike-subject uses, prospatho seems not to mean 'try' so much
as something like 'facilitate' or 'cause to bring about; aid in bringing
about';13 thus, (15b) really means 'I facilitate it so (i.e.
try to make it come about) that John comes' whereas a like-subject use
such as (10) means rather 'I make the attempt myself to bring it about
that I come'. In a sense, then, like-subject peirazo/prospatho
and unlike-subject peirazo/prospatho should be treated as
essentially two different, but homophonous, lexical items, each with its
own particular meaning. The Modern Greek counterpart to Hellenistic Greek
peirazo in its use with control of the subject position associated
with its complement-clause infinitive is like-subject prospatho,
which could legitimately be thought of as a control verb itself, just
not one that has PRO as subject of its complement clause. Such a verb
would thus show control into a finite clause, though the syntactic
mechanism for representing that control would not be PRO but rather
pro, and the semantics of the main verb would guarantee that
pro is always appropriately interpreted as being under control
from the main clause subject. Like-subject peirazo/prospatho,
therefore, having the meaning 'try', can be thought of as obligatory
control verbs, whereas unlike-subject peirazo/prospatho would have the
meaning 'aid in bringing about, facilitate' or the like, and would not
be a control verb. In neither case would PRO need to be invoked; the
missing subject could be a matter either of pro-Drop, for a
finite complement, or derivable from the meaning of the main verb.
The upshot of this examination of
'try', as in the other cases discussed in this section, is that PRO can
be dispensed with for finite complements in favor of an approach to control
that emphasizes the role played by lexical semantics.14
The argumentation for Hellenistic Greek is admittedly somewhat
circumstantial, in that the sort of evidence one might look to in order to
directly distinguish PRO from pro, as Varlokosta & Hornstein 1993
attempt to do for Modern Greek (see note 14), such as the possibility of
split antecedents or sloppy as opposed to strict identity readings for
anaphors under conditions of ellipsis, and the like, involves data not
readily available for Hellenistic Greek.
However, leaving aside the cases
like (5) and (6b) since they represent the constructions whose analysis
is at issue here, there is evidence available for Hellenistic Greek
that does suggest that a type of control into a finite clause is possible.
This evidence comes from the copy-raising construction argued for by
Marlett 1976 and discussed also in Joseph 1978/1990, 1992, and involves
control-like effects in what might be called "derived control" structures,
where there is a "derived", i.e. nonunderlying, relationship between a
nominal in one clause and an anaphor in a lower clause. Thus, this
construction involves "control" only in the broadest sense noted in
the introduction. Still, the control-like effects in this construction
show up via an overt pronominal in the complement clause, and the
overtness of the pronominal means that positing an element
like PRO is an unnecessary step for representing at least this type of
control. An example is given in (16):
(16) a.
blepe |
ten diakoniani |
hen |
parelabes |
en |
kurioi |
hina |
auteni |
plerois |
(Col. 4:17) |
see/IMPV |
the-ministry/ACC |
which/ACC |
received/2SG |
in |
lord/DAT |
COMP |
it/ACC |
fulfill/2SG |
'See to it that you complete the work which you have
received in the Lord' (literally: "See to the work ... that you
complete it") |
b.
egnon |
se |
hoti |
skleros |
ei |
anthropos |
(Matt. 25:24) |
knew/1SG |
you/ACC |
COMP |
hard/NOM |
are/2SG |
man/NOM |
'I knew that you are a hard man'
(literally: "I know you that you are a hard man") |
This construction can be said to involve control not only because there is
a link between a (surface) nominal in a higher clause and one in a lower
clause, but also because that link is a necessary one; that is, there are
no sentences of the sort [know X [COMP NP V Y]], rather only ones in which
there is a pronominal in the lower clause coreferent with the "X" of the
main clause (the raised nominal).
Even with examples such as (16)
under the analysis Marlett argues for, though, there is no necessity
for positing PRO. In the case of nonsubjects, as in (16a), an overt
coreferent pronominal element is always present, for Greek does not
have a process by which nonsubject definite pronominals can generally
be suppressed. When lower clause subjects are the "target" of the
derived control, as in (16b), just as is argued above regarding (6b)
and similar sentences, it can again be the case that pro-Drop
at work. Relevant here is the fact that, as in (17), an overt subject
pronoun can occur in the complement clause in this construction, under
conditions of emphasis, just as would be expected in a pro-Drop
analysis:15
(17)
epeginosken |
de |
auton |
hoti |
houtos |
en |
ho kathemenos |
(Acts 3:10) |
knew/3PL |
and |
him/ACC |
COMP |
this/NOM.MASC |
was/3SG |
the-sitting/NOM.MASC.SG |
'And they knew him to be the one sitting ...'
(literally: "They knew him that he was the one sitting..."). |
Thus in the one Hellenistic clear case of non-freely interpreted
pronominals in a finite clause - that is, in control structures in the
broadest sense - there is no need to invoke PRO. By extension, therefore,
in cases like (6b), there would similarly be no reason to think of
anything other than pro as the representation of the missing subject in
the complement clause. Interpretation of pro as controlled by the main
clause subject would be derivable from the lexical semantics of the main
clause verb; a predicate meaning 'try' or 'capable', or the like, would
exert obligatory (like-subject) control, whereas a verb meaning 'want'
would allow complement clauses with controlled subjects or with freely
selected subjects.
4. Conclusion - Diachronic Syntax and Control
What all these historical
developments with control in Hellenistic Greek
point to, therefore, especially with regard to the innovative finite
complement structures that emerge in later Hellenistic Greek and continue
to spread at the expense of infinitival complements in Medieval Greek and
on into Modern Greek, is that control is an inherently semantic notion, a
phenomenon that is more a matter of lexical semantics than of syntax per
se.
By way of conclusion,
since the potentially interesting aspects of
control structures in Greek seem to be the developments noted here that
were emerging towards the end of the Hellenistic period, continuing on
into post-Hellenistic Greek, it is interesting to consider what this
historical evidence may mean for the study of historical syntax and
syntactic change, in the Greek context and even more generally.
In studying the historical
syntax of a language, researchers are often in
the position of having to reconstruct what the starting point for a
particular construction was or to make educated guesses in order to fill
in gaps in the documentary record. However, those interested in tracing
developments in the historical syntax of the Greek language are fortunate
in having not only the rich attestation of Classical Greek from roughly
the 8th through the 4th centuries BC16 but also the abundant evidence of
contemporary Modern Greek serving, respectively, as approximations to the
beginning point and the endpoint against which one can judge whether
changes have occurred. Moreover, there is the ample documentation of
intermediate stages, including Hellenistic Greek and the considerable, but
still relatively underexamined, material of Byzantine and Medieval Greek,
covering roughly the 4th to the 17th centuries AD, that allow one to trace
the steps by which the unfolding of syntactic developments took place.
Comparisons that can be made across the history of Greek fall into several
types.
In one type of comparison,
there is agreement between Classical and Modern Greek with regard
to some structure, and moreover Hellenistic Greek shows the same
structure. In such a case, therefore, there is continuity through
these various stages of Greek. This situation is found, for instance,
in some very general aspects of Greek morphosyntax, such as the consistent
use across the centuries of the nominative case to mark surface subjects
of finite verbs or the necessity for agreement between an adjective
and a noun it modifies, as well as in lexically quite specific ones
such as the occurrence of accusative case marking, and only accusative
case, on the object of the preposition eis 'to, into' at all stages
of Greek.17 With regard to more fully syntactic phenomena, the
pro-Drop phenomenon noted above for Hellenistic and Modern Greek
can be cited here, for it is found in all stages of Greek,18
and has thus shown stability throughout the history of the language.
In a second type of
comparison, Hellenistic Greek, which is a
chronological waystation between Classical Greek and Modern Greek, gives
evidence of being a structural waystation as well. That is, in such a
case, evidence of a change between Classical and Modern Greek arrived at
by a simple static comparison of relevant structures in these two stages
of the language is confirmed by the appearance in Hellenistic Greek of
transitional structures or of transitional stages, often with an
innovative structure being seen for the first time in the Hellenistic
period. An example is the loss of the dative case, for this case is
robust in Ancient Greek, is absent altogether from Modern Greek, and is
beginning in Hellenistic Greek to be encroached upon by prepositional
phrases occurring where earlier Greek used a simple dative nominal.
Similarly, as noted above, with the replacement of the infinitive by
finite verbal forms in complementation, a verbal category that was
well-represented and much used in Ancient Greek, but totally absent from
Modern Greek, can be seen in Hellenistic Greek to show signs of weakening,
giving way to finite complementation; a sentence such as (7) above, where
the older infinitival complementation and the innovative finite
complementation are conjoined, governed by the same verb, is powerful
evidence of Hellenistic Greek as a transitional stage in the retreat of
the infinitive.
These two patterns of
comparison involving different stages of Greek are
by far the most commonly instantiated, and represent the typical way in
which stability is manifested and the typical way in which change emerges
across the history of Greek. The case of control structures with 'try',
however, is of particular interest for it turns out that certain aspects
of their development seem not to fit into these usual patterns. From a
methodological standpoint, such a case potentially would invalidate the
use of Hellenistic Greek syntax as a checkpoint in the historical
development of Greek syntax.
As shown in the previous section,
'try' in Hellenistic Greek, as represented by the verbs peirazo
and peiraomai, is attested only with infinitival complements,
and has a like-subject reading in most of its occurrences, with a
somewhat different main verb meaning, on the order of 'aid in bringing
about, facilitate', in its unlike-subject use; in Modern Greek, on the
other hand, the corresponding verb prospatho occurs only with
finite complementation, the norm across all of Modern Greek, though it too
can mean both 'try' in a like-subject sense or 'aid in bringing about' in
an unlike-subject sense. Thus it would appear that there has been a
change between Hellenistic Greek and Modern Greek regarding the
complementation possibilities for both senses of the lexeme meaning 'try;
facilitate'. At this point, this situation is quite parallel to others
noted above, where an innovation has taken place between Hellenistic and
Modern Greek.
However, the situation with 'try'
in Classical Greek raises a question concerning the source and the
chronology of the apparent innovation. In particular, even though
'try' in Classical Greek could take an infinitive as complement,
with an empty subject interpreted as identical with the main-clause
subject, there are examples in Classical Greek of a finite complement
with peirao 'try', as in (18a), and moreover, instances in which
that finite complement has a different subject from the main clause,
as in (18b):
(18) a.
peira |
hopos |
ken |
de |
sen patrida gaian |
hikeai |
(Odys.4.545) |
try/2SG.IMPV |
COMP |
MOD |
now |
your-home-land/ACC |
come/2SG.SUBJNC |
'Try to come back to your homeland'
(literally: "Try that (you) come back ...") |
b.
peiran |
d' |
hos |
ke |
troes ..... |
/ arksosi |
(Il. 4.66-7) |
try/INF |
but |
COMP |
MOD |
Trojans/NOM |
be-first/3PL.SUBJNC |
'...to try to make it so that the Trojans are first ...'
|
As the translation, following Lattimore 1951, indicates for (18b), the
unlike-subject example seems to involve lexical semantics for the main
verb of something akin to 'facilitate'. Thus there is actually diachronic
stability between Classical Greek and Modern Greek with regard to the
possibility of finite complementation with 'try', and in the particular
lexical semantics associated in unlike-subject complementation with the
verb that otherwise means 'try'. However, Hellenistic Greek fits in here
as being like Classical and Modern Greek only on the latter count, not on
the possibility of finite complementation. Thus in this regard, there is
stability between an early stage and the present-day, but apparently no
continuity through Hellenistic Greek, counter to the more usual patterns
noted above and thus casting some doubt on the view of Hellenistic Greek
as transitional between Ancient and Modern Greek.
There are several possible
solutions to this problematic situation,
however. First of all, it may simply be that all that is at issue here is
an attestation problem, and that Hellenistic Greek actually did allow a
Modern and Classical sort of finite complement structure with 'try' but
there are simply no attested instances; attestation is, after all, a
matter of chance, and thus there is no guarantee that a given feature will
be exemplified at all stages of any language one might examine. Still,
such an account is itself problematic since it is not falsifiable and
moreover has the appearance of being mere convenience rather than real
explanation.
Second, it could be the case
that two different changes occurred, one between Classical and
Hellenistic Greek restricting the range of complement types that
peirao 'try' could occur in, and another between Hellenistic
Greek and Modern Greek expanding this range (once again). This latter
view is supported by the fact noted above that finite complementation
was in the process of replacing nonfinite complementation in Hellenistic
Greek, so that the Modern Greek complement-type must have become
available with the verbs with these meanings at some point between the
Hellenistic and Modern periods. Moreover, prospatho does not
directly continue earlier peirao but rather represents a lexical
replacement and shift of meaning. Thus, if it is assumed that the range
of complementation possibilities with a verb is to some extent a matter
of lexical specification,19 then one lexical change with 'try'
is needed anyway; positing another change in lexically specified
complementation possibilities is therefore not a difficult assumption
to make. Under this account, the lack of continuity may just be a mirage
reached by making a broad comparison of three different stages of Greek
rather than a more graduated step-wise comparison; looked at pairwise,
the comparisons between Classical and Hellenistic Greek and between
Hellenistic and Modern Greek fit expected patterns.20
The importance of the lexicon for this aspect of control structures
would be consistent with the general view espoused here in which control
is tied to an aspect of the lexicon, i.e. a verb's lexical semantics,
and not to some aspect of a verbal complement's abstract syntactic structure.
Thus the ultimate lessons
here may be methodological in nature. The
issue of stability with control and 'try' in all stages of Greek, for
instance, matters for how Hellenistic Greek is to be viewed, vis-a-vis the
other stages of the language. Moreover, despite the arguments provided
here, it must be admitted that there is much that is indeterminate about
the specifics of control in earlier stages of Greek and the changes that
these constructions underwent. Indeed, this is one of the important
lessons of historical syntax, including syntactic investigations of
languages accessible only through texts or reconstruction, namely that
many questions end up going unanswered. Still, the mere posing of the
questions and their subsequent investigation can illuminate somewhat, and
thus, even with no definitive answers, more seems clear about control in
Hellenistic Greek at this point in the study than at the outset, making
this a suitable terminus.
REFERENCES
Arndt, William F. & F. Wilbur
Gingrich. 1957. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament
and Other Early Christian Literature. Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press.
Blass, Friedrich & Albert
Debrunner. 1961. A Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other
Early Christian Literature (translated and revised by Robert W.
Funk). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press
Chomsky, Noam. 1981.
Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht:
Foris.
Comrie, Bernard. 1985 [1988].
"Reflections on Subject and Object Control". Journal of Semantics
4.48-65.
Culicover, Peter & Wendy Wilkins.
1986. "Control, PRO, and the Projection Principle". Language
62.1.120-153.
Farkas, Donka. 1988.
"On Obligatory Control". Linguistics and Philosophy 11.27-58.
Foy, Karl. 1886. "Ke palin to
zitima ton aparemfatikon tipon". Imerolojion tis anatolis polotiografikon,
filolojikon ke epistimonikon tu etus 1887, 148-169.
Jannaris, Antonius N. 1897.
An Historical Greek Grammar. London:
MacMillan and Co. (reprinted 1987, Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim).
Joseph, Brian D. 1978/1990.
Morphology and Universals in Syntactic Change: Evidence from Medieval
and Modern Greek. Harvard University Ph.D. Dissertation, printed
and distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club.
[Updated and augmented version published (1990) in Outstanding
Dissertations in Linguistics series, New York: Garland
Publishing Inc.]
Joseph, Brian D. 1983.
The Synchrony and Diachrony of the Balkan Infinitive.
A Study in Areal, General, and Historical Linguistics.
(Cambridge Studies in Linguistics, Supplementary Volume 1). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Joseph, Brian D. 1992.
"Diachronic Perspectives on Control". In Larson
et al. (1992), pp. 195-234.
Joseph, Brian D. 1994.
"On Weak Subjects and Pro-Drop in Greek". In
Irene Philippaki-Warburton, Katerina Nicolaidis, & Maria Sifianou, eds.,
Themes in Greek Linguistics> (Papers from the First International
Conference on Greek Linguistics, Reading, September 1993), pp. 21-32.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishers.
Ladusaw, William & David Dowty.
1988. "Toward a Non-grammatical Account of Thematic Roles".
In Wendy Wilkins, ed., Thematic Relations (Syntax and
Semantics 21), pp. 62-72. New York: Academic Press.
Lattimore, Richmond.
1951. The Iliad of Homer. Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press.
Larson, Richard K., Sabine
Iatridou, Utpal Lahiri, & James Higginbotham, eds. 1992.
Control and Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Marlett, Stephen. 1976.
Copy Raising in Koine Greek. M.A. Thesis,
University of North Dakota.
Migne, Jean-P. 1894.
Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Graeca
(Patrologiae Graecae, V). Paris: Garnier Bros.
Perlmutter, David M. 1970.
"The Two Verbs Begin". In Roderick A. Jacobs
& Peter S. Rosenbaum, eds., Readings in English Transformational Grammar,
pp. 107-119. Waltham (MA): Ginn and Company.
Sophocles, E. A. 1914.
Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine
Periods. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Varlokosta, Spyridoula &
Norbert Hornstein. 1993. "Control in Modern Greek".
In Amy J. Schafer, ed., NELS 23. Proceedings of the North East
Linguistic Society, Vol. 2, pp. 527-521. Amherst: GLSA, Department of
Linguistics, University of Massachusetts.
Notes
*I would like to thank Pauline Welby for her assistance
with some of the research that made this contribution possible.
1The papers in Larson et al. 1992 bear important witness
to the nature of this on-going debate.
2All non-Modern forms and sentences for Greek are given in
transliteration based on standard Greek orthography (though without
accents), even though this orthography really reflects only Classical
Greek pronunciation, not that in later stages of the language.
Still, since the non-Modern forms are all known from written textual
attestations, it seems best to present them in a rendering of their
spelled form, even if it is not an adequate representation of the
pronunciation at all stages after the 5th century BC. Modern Greek
forms are given in a roughly phonemic transcription
3See Joseph 1978/1990 and 1983 for discussion of and
references on this infinitive-replacement process.
4Twenty years ago, when working on my dissertation (Joseph
1978/1990), I found the sentence in (6b) in some source and cited
it accordingly in my dissertation (and later work as well, e.g.
Joseph 1983). As I was preparing this paper, however, I found,
in rechecking each example, that I could not verify (6b). Nonetheless,
I keep it here on the belief that the source, whether primary or
secondary, can eventually be verified, and also because it is a
sentence-type which clearly must have arisen sometime between early
"infinitival" Hellenistic Greek, as represented by sentences such as
(6a), and Modern Greek, where the counterpart to the sentences in
(6) could only have a finite complement introduced by na, the form
that hina evolved into. See also the discussion below concerning
(8) and (9), and footnotes 6 and 7.
5The accusative plus infinitive complementation may involve
Subject-to-Object Raising, though other analyses have been offered;
nothing in this paper hinges crucially on the analysis of this type
of complementation, but I am inclined to see it as involving Raising.
An argument for Raising from the diachronic development of this type
is given in Joseph 1992, based on the fact that there is an apparent
noninfinitival continuation of it that has an accusative and a full
finite complement clause, though the analysis of that type in Modern
Greek is admittedly controversial (see Joseph 1978/1990: 252ff.,
notes G,H,L,N and the Appendix, for references and discussion).
6Though see (9) and footnote 8 for other possible examples)
7I say "would be" since Sophocles does not translate this
example; rather Sophocles cites it as an instance where thelethete
means 'be acceptable', and the example appears in the lemma for thelo
under the general heading of "with hina, where the classical language
uses the infinitive", suggesting he takes this example as an instance
of the innovative finite replacement for the earlier infinitive.
8Interestingly, Foy cites this example with hopos rather
than hina as the subordinating conjunction, the form also for this
example in the edition of Migne (1894: 806), so Lake may have
"normalized" the syntax to hina. This does not alter the syntax
of the example, for it simply means that some writers used a different
conjunction, one that introduced finite complements to other verbs
in Classical Greek (e.g. see below regarding peirao in Classical Greek).
Foy also cites an example from the Apocrypha, specifically the Gospel
of Nicodemus (also known as Acta Pilati, the same text that is apparently
the source of the elusive sentence cited in (6b)), of a like-subject
finite complement to thelo introduced by hina:
i.
ephe |
touto |
thelon |
hina |
se |
harpasei |
said/3SG |
this/ACC |
wanting/PPL |
CONJN |
you/ACC |
seize/3SG |
'He said this, wanting to seize you'
(literally: "...wanting that he seize you"). |
Given that there are several possible Hellenistic examples of like-subject
complements with thelo, and that this type eventually develops, it
seems justified to accept this as a legitimate Hellenistic syntagm.
9It may well be that some of these verbs are actual Subject
Raising verbs and not control verbs in the strict sense or admit both
types of structures (as has been argued for 'begin' in English, for
instance, by Perlmutter 1970). The resistance of some of these predicates
to the innovative use of the infinitive is noted by Jannaris (1897:
#2090ff.).
10This verb also means 'try' in the sense of to test or tempt
someone.
11This is leaving aside for the moment one example, discussed
in more detail below, in which peirazo occurs not just with an infinitive,
but with an accusative subject - different from the subject of peirazo
- for that infinitive. Still, it is significant that all six examples
of peirazo with a complement clause and no overt subject to be found
in the Hellenistic Greek corpus upon which Arndt & Gingrich 1957 is
based, as well as the one instance of peiraomai in the New Testament,
show no alternative complement types.
12This verb continues in Modern Greek with the primary meaning
of 'tease, annoy', though the related deverbal noun pirazmos does mean
'temptation'.
13In this way, 'try' is somewhat like the English verb hope,
which with a like-complement-subject (e.g. I hope to win) has an
inner-directed meaning but with an unlike-complement-subject (e.g.
I hope for Robin to win) has a more outer-directed meaning. I am
grateful to my colleague Bob Levine for bringing this to my attention
and for other helpful discussion on this matter. Perlmutter 1970 draws
attention also to verbs like threaten with different meanings as in
There threatened to be a riot and They threatened to resign (and ambiguity
in The students threatened to take over the building)
.
14The prediction of Culicover & Wilkins (1986:121, fn.2) is
worth keeping in mind here, that in a language without an infinitive,
"'control' would be accomplished differently" from the device of PRO
that has been developed for an infinitival language like English.
Still, note that it has been argued by Varlokosta & Hornstein 1993 that
languages like Modern Greek have PRO in (at least some) finite complement
clauses (those whose main verbs require obligatory like-subject
complements) in addition to pro in others.
15The emphasis is evident in some available translations;
the Gideons International translation, for instance, has "Then they
knew that it was he who sat ...".
16Thus for the purposes of this discussion here, "Classical"
can be taken to include Homeric Greek, despite the fact that Homer's
language is in many respects significantly more archaic than Classical
Attic Greek.
17This includes, of course, later morphologically natural
or phonologically regular developments from eis, such as Medieval Greek
eise (phonetically [ise]) or Modern Greek s(e); the specialized, and
presumably elliptical, use of Modern Greek s(e) with the genitive of
a personal name to mean 'at someone's house' (e.g. s tu Jani 'at John's
(house)', literally "at of-the of-John") is excluded here.
18One fairly recent construction found in Modern Greek,
involving the preferred use of innovative third person weak nominative
pronouns with the presentational deictic predicate na 'here is/are!'
and their obligatory use with the locative interrogative predicate pun
'where is/are?', challenges the characterization of the modern language
as an "ordinary" pro-Drop language; see Joseph 1994 for some discussion.
19Admittedly, as noted above, there are some semantic
generalizations to be made as to which verbs hold out the longest
with infinitival complements, there are cases of synonymous verbs
that behave differently with regard to finite versus nonfinite
complementation. For instance, eao 'allow' takes only an infinitive
in the New Testament whereas aphienai, with the same meaning, can
occur with a finite hina-clause as complement.
20Note that even though Hellenistic Greek generally shows
a retreat of the domain of the infinitive compared with Classical Greek,
the opposite shift, as needed here from the finite complement possibility
with 'try' in Classical Greek to its infinitive-only complementation
in the Hellenistic period, also occurs; the use of the infinitive of
purpose with verbs of motion is expanded in Hellenistic Greek, as
noted by Blass-Debrunner (1961: #388).